JOURNAL ARTICLES

A conversation on Europe between Maurizio Ferrera and Jens Alber is available in La Lettura (Il Corriere della Sera). Read it here.

J. Hien, ABSTRACT - There has been much talk about ordoliberalism recently. Scholars and the press identify it as the dominant economic instruction sheet for Germany’s European crisis politics. However, by analyzing ordoliberalism only as an economic theory, the debate downplays that ordoliberalism is also an ethical theory, with strong roots in protestant social thought. It is this rooting in protestant social thought that makes ordoliberalism so incompatible with the socio economic ethics of most of the European crisis countries, because their ethics originate in catholic and orthodox social thought. This paper argues that it is the divergence and incompatibility of ordoliberal and southern European social ethics is what makes the European rescue policies so conflictual, and will ultimately render them redundant.

 

M. Ferrera

ABSTRACT - The European Union – and the Euro-zone in particular- is currently torn by a number of widening fault lines. What is at stake is not only economic and institutional performance, but the very stability / continuity of the Union as a political system. The first and most visible fault line concerns the functioning of EMU and opposes North and South, "core" and “peripheral”, "creditor" and "debtor" Member States. The second line runs from West to East and mainly concerns the free movement of persons, capital and services in the internal market. It pits countries with consolidated welfare and high taxes/contributions against countries with relatively limited welfare, low labor costs and low regulation. The third line is rooted in the institutional asymmetry of the EU system of government, programmatically tilted in favor of market-making and against market correcting policies. The fourth line is, finally, of a vertical nature: “Brussels” (supranational institutions) against national governments and their sovereignty in policy areas deemed crucial for democratic legitimation and social cohesion [...]

M. Ferrera, in West European Politics, Vol. 37, no. 4, 2014, pp. 825-843.

ABSTRACT

The article starts by identifying the main institutional components of the (elusive) concept of Social Europe: the ‘National Social Spaces’, i.e. the social protection systems of the member states; the ‘EU Social Citizenship Space’, i.e. the coordination regime that allows all EU nationals to access the social benefits of other member states when they exercise free movement; the ‘Regional Social Spaces’, i.e. sub-national and/or trans-regional social policies; and the ‘EU Social Policy’ proper. Based on such reconceptualisation, the article then revisits the main analytical insights and substantive findings of the volume’s contributions, focusing in particular on dynamics of ‘social re-bounding’ during the crisis, on national implementation processes, on the relevance of ‘fits’ and ‘misfits’ for social policy compliance and on issues of democratic control. In the conclusion, some suggestions for future research and for the EU’s social agenda are put forward.

This article is available at https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/01402382.2014.919771

M. Ferrera,

In: W. van Oorschot, H. Peeters, C. Boos (eds), Invisible social security revisited: Essays in honour of Jos Berghman, Tielt, Belgium. Lannoo Publishers. pp. 145-160.

 

ABSTRACT

For at least two decades, European countries have been earnestly striving to reform their social models, tailored on increasingly surpassed economic and socio-demographic structures. This effort has been guided by a number of common principles, many of them developed by the European Union: sustainability and efficiency, flexicurity, inclusion, social protection as a "productive factor", new partnerships between private and public actors, social investment, social innovation.  Almost all EU countries have had a hand in their pension systems in response to demographic challenges and problems of financial sustainability. Labour markets and policies were reformed and some progress has been made ​​in terms of new policies and measures favoring women and children, frail and dependent elderly, the fight against poverty and exclusion [...]

 

Buy the book 

M. Ferrera, in Constellations, Vol. 21, no. 2, 2014, pp. 222–238.

ABSTRACT

The nation-based welfare state (NBWS) and the European Union (EU) are two precious legacies of the 20th century. Their mutual relationship is however fraught by unresolved tensions (and a potential “clash”), which the recent crisis has been markedly exacerbating. When, how and why did the original “elective affinity” between the WS and the EU spheres start to weaken? Is “reconciliation” possible and how? These questions lie at the centre of current academic and public debates. The WS serves essential economic, social and political functions. But the financing of its programmes strains public budgets and raises sustainability challenges, especially in the wake of growing demographic ageing. The EU (EMU in particular) is in its turn essential for growth, jobs and macro-economic stability, but tends to undermine the WS’s very institutional foundation: the sovereign right of the state to determine the boundaries, forms and extent of national solidarity, including tax and spending levels. The aim of this article is to cast new light on such issues by focusing on the “intellectual” logic which has guided WS-building, on the one hand, and EU-building, on the other, and by highlighting the responsibility of this logic in generating the clash. Drawing on Weber’s insights on the relationship between ideas, values and politics, I will try to reconnect these three elements for interpreting the current predicament and for putting forward some suggestions on how to overcome it. The article is organised as follows. The next section presents the topic and the approach. The second section illustrates the ideational logics which have guided, respectively, the development of the welfare state at the national level and the process of economic integration at the supranational level. The
third and fourth sections will in turn summarize my diagnosis and outline an agenda for intellectual “work” on both the epistemic and axiological fronts, which I see as a prerequisite for responsible and effective political choices. The conclusion wraps up.

This article is available at https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/1467-8675.12091

Page 3 of 3

Subscribe To Our Newsletter

Terms and Conditions


Twitter Feeds

This site uses cookies

for the operation of the platform and for statistics . Continue if you agree.

I understand