H. Caune, in Politique Européenne, vol. 49, no. 3, 2015, pp. 116-149 ABSTRACT Les politiques sociales nationales sont traditionnellement tenues à l’écart des processus classiques de l’intégration européenne mais la crise de l’euro et de la dette souveraine dans certains États membres impose un renouvellement de l’analyse de l’influence européenne dans la définition de ces politiques publiques. Les accords négociés entre les exécutifs nationaux et la troïka (formée par la Commission européenne, la Banque centrale européenne et le Fonds monétaire international [FMI]) constituent une nouvelle forme de contrainte, imposée par la gouvernance économique européenne, qui pèse sur l’orientation et la définition des politiques sociales. Cet article s’intéresse à la fois au contenu des politiques (policies), au contexte institutionnel dans lequel sont prises les décisions politiques (polity) et aux pratiques des acteurs et à leurs configurations (politics). À partir du cas des politiques de l’emploi et des marchés du travail au Portugal, l’article montre comment l’influence européenne a évolué en passant de la coordination des politiques de l’emploi, dans le début des années 2000, à la gouvernance économique à la fin de la décennie. Il souligne les effets de ces évolutions sur les processus politiques nationaux. L’article analyse une période de plus d’une quinzaine d’années en s’intéressant particulièrement à trois moments précis qui ont marqué les politiques portugaises de l’emploi: l’introduction du premier Code du travail en 2003 d’abord, puis ses réformes successives en 2009 et 2012. Ces réformes nationales correspondent aussi à des moments spécifiques de l’histoire des politiques européennes de l’emploi : la révision de la Stratégie européenne pour l’emploi (SEE) au moment du lancement de la Stratégie de Lisbonne sous l’impulsion de la présidence portugaise du Conseil en 2000, la définition du modèle de flexicurité dans le cadre de la révision de la stratégie de Lisbonne au milieu des années 2000, et, enfin, le développement d’une nouvelle forme de contrainte européenne sur les systèmes de protection sociale (particulièrement ceux des pays du sud) dans le cadre de la gestion européenne de la crise de la dette souveraine au début des années 2010. Cet article évalue précisément l’influence nationale de ces évolutions européennes. Pour analyser ces réformes nationales, il prend en compte le rôle des activités européennes des acteurs politiques nationaux. The article is available at  
M. Ferrera, in Critical Review, vol. 30, no. 3-4, 2018, pp. 256 -293 ABSTRACT: Weber’s conception of politics has long been interpreted in relativistic and “agonistic” terms. Such interpretations neglect Weber’s notion of “objectivity” as well as the complex links between politics as “community,” on the one hand, and as “value sphere,” on the other. Seen against this backdrop, Berufpolitik becomes a balancing act in which the pursuit of subjective values is objectively constrained not only by the ethic of responsibility, but more generally by the political imperative to safeguard the preconditions for communal order and, in late modernity, of liberal freedoms. Without them, neither the objective “clarity” generated by science nor the subjective political commitments based on “clear vision” would be possible. available at:  
P. Vesan, F. Corti, in Journal of Common Market Studies, First published: 10 May 2019, ABSTRACT In September 2015, the European Commission launched a new political initiative ‐‐ the European Pillar of Social Rights (EPSR) ‐‐ with the stated aim of strengthening the social acquis of the European Union and promoting upward social convergence across eurozone countries. In January 2017, the European Parliament voted in a resolution supporting the EPSR. This article examines the positioning of the parliamentary political groups to grasp the tensions that emerged during the debate. In so doing, it provides empirical evidence of the existence of a complex ‘clash syndrome’ in European social policies which results from the combination of vertical and horizontal forms of euroscepticism. The main argument is that the coexistence of multiple political tensions may hamper the development of a stronger Social Europe, but may also lead to the emergence of new political coalitions through the ‘criss‐crossing’ of different lines of conflict. This article is available at  
M. Ferrera in Journal of European Social Policy,vol. 29, no.1, 2018, pp. 3-12 ABSTRACT In the mid-1970s, the great Norwegian scholar Stein Rokkan argued that the consolidation of the national welfare state was going to set definite limits to European integration. While the impetuous strengthening of the latter – from Maastricht to Lisbon – has largely disproved Rokkan’s factual expectations, developments during the last decade seem to have vindicated the theoretical insights which underpinned his original argument. If appropriately re-elaborated, such insights can help us to identify the conditions under which the economic and social dimension of the European Union might be reconciled in the future.  This article is available here
M. Ferrera, Il Mulino, 3 December 2018. ABSTRACT During the twentieth century, the Liberal nation-state turned into the mass democratic Welfare state, which then became a Member state of the emerging European Union. To what extent is Weber’s state theory – which has been so influential within political studies – still pertinent for analyzing these two momentous transformations? This article proposes a neo-Weberian reinterpretation of the democratic welfare state as a novel form of political domination, characterized by a distinctive political logic and legitimation dynamics. It then analyzes the impact of EU membership on such characteristics, highlighting the supremacy of of the market logic and discussing the obstacles for the emergence of a specifically political EU «reason».
M. Ferrera, in European Law Journal, published onlne on 25 may 2017 ABSTRACT Intra‐Eu mobility has become increasingly contested. Despite empirical evidence showing that migrants are not a burden for the receiving countries, a growing number of voters think that nationals should have priority in terms of jobs and welfare. In a realist perspective, this “nativist” turn cannot be ignored, as it might undermine the very idea of EU citizenship. While nondiscrimination, as enshrined in the Treaties, should certainly remain the first order principle to defend free movement from a legal and normative point of view, in the present predicament it might be reasonable to complement it with the less demanding principle of “hospitality”. Practically, this would mean to give back to Member States a modicum of autonomy in filtering the access to social benefits for inactive or non‐resident persons. available here
M. Ferrera, in European Journal of Political Research, vol. 56, no. 1, 2017, pp. 3-22. Also published online on 17 January 2017 ABSTRACT. During the crisis, the European Union's ‘social deficit’ has triggered an increasing politicisation of redistributive issues within supranational, transnational and national arenas. Various lines of conflict have taken shape, revolving around who questions (who are ‘we’? – i.e., issues of identity and inclusion/exclusion); what questions (how much redistribution within and across the ‘we’ collectivities) and who decides questions (the locus of authority that can produce and guarantee organised solidarity). The key challenge facing today's political leaders is how to ‘glue’ the Union together as a recogniseable and functioning polity. This requires a double rebalancing: between the logic of ‘opening’ and the logic of ‘closure’, on the one hand, and between the logic of ‘economic stability’ and ‘social solidarity’, on the other. Building on the work of Stein Rokkan and Max Weber, this article argues that reconciliation is possible, but only if carefully crafted through an extraordinary mobilisation of political and intellectual resources. A key ingredient should be the establishment of a European Social Union, capable of combining domestic and pan‐European solidarities. In this way, the EU could visibly and tangibly extend its policy menu from regulation to (limited, but effective) distribution, reaping the latter's benefits in terms of legitimacy. The journey on this road is difficult but, pace Rokkan, not entirely impervious. This article is available here
S. A. Perez, M. Matsaganis, in New Political Economy, vol. 23, no. 2, 2018, pp. 192-207. Also published online: 07 Sep 2017 ABSTRACT. Europe’s response to the sovereign debt crisis in Southern Europe has been premised on the idea that these states can return to growth through internal devaluation and fiscal consolidation. This article explores the distributive consequences of that strategy in Greece, Portugal, Italy, and Spain. We argue that standard measures of poverty do not capture the deterioration in living standards as fully as anchored poverty. Moreover, we show that inequality trends conceal considerable re-ranking within the income distribution: those who were rich in 2012 had got richer in 2009–12, but those who were rich in 2009 lost ground in 2009–12. We find that in all four countries the new poor include significantly fewer pensioners and more unemployed workers, and are considerably poorer than the old poor had been. We demonstrate that there was significant variation in the magnitude and design of austerity, with Italy imposing a far smaller adjustment than Spain, and Portugal achieving less inequality in spite of robust fiscal consolidation. Nevertheless, even when austerity measures were designed to reduce inequality by compressing incomes downward, their second-order macro-economic effects ultimately increased inequality (except in Portugal). In the last section, we explore the political reasons for this variation. available here
M. Matsaganis, in Il Mulino, 1/2018 available here
P. Pansardi, P. D. Tortola, in European Journal of Political Research, vol. 58, no. 1, 2019, pp. 96–116. Also published online on 12 March 2018, ABSTRACT. There is little doubt that the European Central Bank (ECB), and in particular its presidency, has taken the lead in tackling the euro crisis. But can this leadership be also characterised as charismatic? This article answers the question by focusing on language – a key component as well as a reliable indicator of charisma. By means of a software‐assisted content analysis of the entire corpus of ECB presidential speeches, it is found that the crisis has indeed led to the emergence of the Bank's presidency as a charismatic euro leader. This in turn confirms the recent politicisation of the ECB, but at the same time might be seen as mitigating the problems related to the Bank's democratic deficit, to the extent that charisma can be seen, from a Weberian standpoint, as an alternative source of political legitimacy. This article is available here

Subscribe To Our Newsletter

Terms and Conditions

Twitter Feeds

This site uses cookies

for the operation of the platform and for statistics . Continue if you agree.

I understand